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Labour has been virtually silent on Britain’s neglected seaside towns – they need a national strategy

A steady stream of day-trippers leave the railway station and head down to the seafront. Some shoppers and dawdlers detour through the picturesque cobbled streets of The Lanes. Others walk past the extraordinary Royal Pavilion, with its ornate domes and minarets, before reaching Brighton’s beach.

Author


  • Guy Collender

    Post Doctoral Senior Research Associate, Centre for Port Cities and Maritime Cultures, University of Portsmouth

They’ll spend the next few hours sunbathing, swimming, eating ice cream or maybe riding a rollercoaster on the pier – just like in seaside resorts across the country this summer. This, however, is not the reality for many people who live in coastal communities.

Even in affluent Brighton, the deprivation is not far away. Take the Whitehawk estate, where six small areas are most deprived in England (2019 figures). Such communities are beset by poor health, inequality and a lack of opportunities. Yet they barely featured in the Labour government’s .

A recent study identified high rates of “deaths of despair” in England’s coastal areas and northern regions in general, caused by drugs, alcohol and suicide. It is a cruel irony that Blackpool, well-known for its nights out and Pleasure Beach, has the highest rate of such deaths in England.

Coastal communities experience “some of the worst health outcomes”, according to a by Chris Whitty, England’s chief medical officer. This includes lower life expectancy, lower healthy life expectancy and high rates of cancer, heart disease and diabetes.

These areas have long been “overlooked”, he wrote, noting that much more research and attention is focused on inner city or rural areas. This is despite the fact that England’s coast is home to more than 10 million people, of the population.

Unsurprisingly, work in tourism is seasonal in these communities. Meanwhile, fishing continues to decline, with employed on 5,541 UK-registered fishing boats. also “higher rates of self-employment and part-time employment than non-coastal towns, according to the Office for ³Ô¹ÏÍøÕ¾ Statistics, and proportionately fewer residents have degree-level qualifications. Such realities often lead to insecure employment and low pay.

A complex problem

The causes and symptoms of coastal deprivation are often familiar – but also complicated, reflecting the simultaneous pros and cons of these areas. Competition from cheap foreign holidays since the 1960s caused tourism to decline, but tourism was never a panacea, given that the work has always been precarious and seasonal.

The rapid rise in is also double-edged: bringing in money, especially during high season, but reducing housing options for local people. The coast attracts retirees, yet they are more likely to experience ill health and require medical and social care.

The coast is often beautiful, but subject to coastal erosion and the effects of climate change. And, of course, deprivation is far from universal. , for example, is well known for being home to the rich and famous.

Fundamentally, coastal towns are geographically at the end of the line, making them relatively isolated. They are not surrounded by potential customers and markets like inland towns and cities, putting inhabitants at an economic disadvantage.

Many towns have embraced arts and culture to reinvent themselves and attract new visitors, from the 100 life-size cast-iron figures installed by on Crosby Beach near Liverpool in 2005 to the headliners at Portsmouth’s annual , first held in 2012. Work is also underway to in Skegness, Lincolnshire, into a Scandinavian-style Culture House to showcase arts and culture, and boost wellbeing.

The Conservatives helped with some regeneration efforts, having strong support in these areas. In 2012, in coalition with the Liberal Democrats, they created a , disbursing across the UK. improving the Blackpool illuminations, regenerating Scarborough market hall and redeveloping Hastings pier.

From 2015, the government awarded a further £7.5 million through a to save heritage and community assets, including piers, lidos and promenades. It also gave £1.5 million to nearly to pursue sustainable economic development.

The apparent verdict at the recent UK election, however, was that much more is required. Some in coastal constituencies changed hands, mainly at the expense of the Conservatives and Scottish ³Ô¹ÏÍøÕ¾ Party. Labour picked up many of these seats across England, Scotland and Wales, while the Liberal Democrats and Reform also benefited.

The Fabian Society think tank referred to coastal constituencies as the “Sea Wall” in a , advising Labour to address their “distinctive challenges”. However, Labour mentioned coastal areas only twice in – once in relation to incentivising coastal firms, and once about erosion. There was no mention of coastal areas or seaside resorts in the either.

It remains to be seen what approach will be taken by Angela Rayner’s new Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government (replacing the Tories’ Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities). In particular, how will coastal communities be affected by Labour’s plans for , and ?

At any rate, a national strategy is required, as suggested by , to address the interrelated challenges facing coastal communities. Labour needs to recognise the special qualities of coastal areas, support more research into the problems and deliver targeted interventions – much like the successful introduced by Labour in 1998 to help low-income families.

In the meantime, I would encourage you not just to visit the coast this summer. Visit again during another season, and explore more than just the pleasures of the beach. Coastal communities are places of culture and history, and would benefit from your support and interest throughout the year.

Take a walk around a coastal town or visit one of their weather-proof attractions – from the in Portsmouth to the in Margate. The view out to sea is always beguiling, but there’s much to learn and appreciate by gazing in the opposite direction.

The Conversation

Guy Collender does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

/Courtesy of The Conversation. View in full .